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How do poor nations become rich, industrialized, and democratic? And what role does democracy play in this transition? To address these questions, Jongryn Mo and Barry R. Weingast study South Korea's remarkable transformation since 1960. The authors concentrate on three critical turning points: Park Chung Hee's creation of the development state beginning in the early 1960s, democratization in 1987, and the genesis of and reaction to the 1997 economic crisis. At each turning point, Korea took a significant step toward creating an open access social order.
The dynamics of this transition hinge on the inclusion of a wide array of citizens, rather than just a narrow elite, in economic and political activities and organizations. The political economy systems that followed each of the first two turning points lacked balance in the degree of political and economic openness and did not last. The Korean experience, therefore, suggests that a society lacking balance cannot sustain development. Korean Political and Economic Development offers a new view of how Korea was able to maintain a pro-development state with sustained growth by resolving repeated crises in favor of rebalancing and greater political and economic openness.
- Sales Rank: #1750802 in Books
- Published on: 2013-08-19
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x 6.25" w x 1.00" l, .95 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 232 pages
About the Author
Jongryn Mo is Professor of International Political Economy in the Graduate School of International Studies at Yonsei University.
Barry R. Weingast is Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and Ward C. Krebs Family Professor in the Department of Political Science at Stanford University.
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Korean Political and Economic Development_Introduction
By Moon Son
In order to study Korean political and economic development from after the Korean War to Former South Korean President Roh Moo Hyun, Professor Jongryn Mo (2013), in his book Korean Political and Economic Development, provides each different social order to apply to developing and developed countries. For such purpose, he uses 2009 perspective developed in North, Wallis, and Weingast. Professor Mo (2013) calls NWW as an abridged term. Here different social orders mean various “ways of organizing the polity, economy, and society” (Mo 2013, 3). He provides two types of social order: one is limited-access order and the other is open-access order. Limited-access order means the social pattern to allow “valuable rights and privileges to a small group of elites” and open-access order means the organizing way to provide “the form of rights and rule of law for a large group of citizens” (Mo 2013, 3). For Professor Mo to use these double patterns in order to analyze Korean political and economic development is to have some limitation that only the one way’s depended explanatory framework does not provide the proper description about her development after the Korean War.
Usually, under limited-access social order, citizens are severely restricted on forming their own organizations. In contrast, in the situation of open-access orders, they have the “widespread” right to access to a wide ranges of economic, political, and social organizations without “political permission” (Mo 2013, 4). In addition, limited-access social order has the distinction to depend on personal exchange such as a narrow elite group, but open-access social order depends on impersonal exchange like “rule-of-law institutions” or “extensive impersonal contractual relationships” (Mo 2013, 4). Considering the contrast distinctions between limited-access social order and open-access social order, we need to reflect Professor Mo’s description about the relationship between limited- and open-access social orders and the problem of violence. He regards the problem of violence as a first-order problem and the most significant implication: “All societies must solve the problem of violence” (Mo 2013, 5). On the basis of Cox, North and Weingast’s research, Professor Mo (2013) argues, “Violent succession is a prominent and regular, if episodic, feature of the developing-country environment” (5). According to his explanation, the problem of violence in most developing countries is very serious, and “violence potential is distributed rather than concentrated in the government,” since developing countries do not have the capacity to control and organize themselves with violence (5).
Professor Mo (2013) explains that the conventional perspective about the relationship between the state and its violence begins with “the assumption that the state has a monopoly on violence” (5). However, he argues that such conventional model has some limitation not to explain “the origins of the state and its role in the developing countries with dispersed access to violence” (Mo 2013, 6). The main issue of violence in most developing countries is that their violence potentials are distributed such as local drug lords’ ruling in Latin America and “the prevalence of ethnic conflict and civil wars” in sub-Saharan Africa (Mo 2013, 6). Therefore, Professor Mo (2013) argues to apply the policy to lessen the violence potentials of “major political, economic, and social actors,” considering “distributed violence potentials” (6). In addition, on the basis of the NWW framework, Professor Mo (2013) suggests the idea of “double balance” to require “a balance between the degree of openness in their political and economic systems” (10). According to his description, the lack of balance between the political and economic systems leads to the social imbalance itself. Therefore, Professor Mo (2013) places the emphasis on a balance between the degree of openness in the political and economic systems and suggests the practical policy to provide common citizens with more broad chances to relax a small group of elites’ “economic rents and privileges” (10).
Discussion topic: Why does Professor Mo argue that a state-oriented monopoly of violence is improper to the present political and economic situations?
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